Dr Azeem Ibrahim OBE is a Research Professor at the Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War College, and was an Advisor on the 2021 Integrated Review
For the last two decades, the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) seemed to have been losing its way, with its influence waning on the global stage. Identifying the root causes of a very generalised decline is never straightforward, but a lack of spending on diplomatic efforts is both a symptom and a cause.
Many fellow academics would like to point to Brexit as the key inflection point, and it is certainly true that the vision of a Global Britain warranted more resources than the FCDO was able to bid for. Expectations for both widening and deepening diplomatic relations on a global scale were always going to be nigh-impossible to meet, especially since the UK had been using its European Union membership as a crutch to support an increasingly lacklustre foreign policy capability. The FCDO under successive governments was increasingly trading on goodwill and prestige built up years before, without any coherent strategy.
Foreign policy is now more important to our prospects than at any point since the Second World War. Unlike in previous elections, with the Israel-Gaza conflict foreign policy is firmly back on the political agenda both in the UK and across the world. This is in a year when half the world population are expected to go to the polls, in India, the US, the UK, the EU, Australia, and Canada.
The case for investing public money and developing a new strategy, given the state of geopolitics, writes itself. It is in this context that Rishi Sunak made the call to bring David Cameron out of retirement.
Despite the predictable backlash from the opposition and its talking heads, Lord Cameron’s stewardship of the department has ushered in a quiet revolution. Together with Andrew Mitchell, his minister for Development, Cameron’s FCDO has experienced a remarkable revival. Gone are the days of drift – a clearer and more principled British position has been allowed to emerge on key issues – and here are the days of pragmatism and diplomatic finesse that can buy us a seat at the top table.
And, to be fair, a significant portion of this groundwork was established under Cameron’s predecessor, James Cleverly. Cleverly notably approved the Development White Paper and realigned and recalibrated the FCDO to address the emerging challenges and opportunities posed by China. Hence, Cameron inherited a sturdy foundation to expand upon.
But his impact goes beyond his status as an ex-PM buying him more phone calls and diary slots. He’s the first Foreign Secretary in recent memory who hasn’t been distracted by the desire to become Prime Minister. Having had almost a decade to ruminate, his enthusiasm for the role is obvious from the explosion of new activity.
The Cameron Declaration showed that Lord Cameron is, for better or for worse, willing to play his hand. This declaration laid the groundwork for constructive dialogue and tangible progress in the Middle East, giving a clear route to Palestinian statehood conditional on the release of all Israeli hostages.
Early signs show that Cameron has calculated well. Foreign politicians and think tanks, unprompted, are eager to tell me how impressed they are by the sudden renaissance in British diplomacy that Cameron has managed to spur. This holds for Washington-based officials and think tankers as much as it does for those in Europe and East Asia.
The nuanced response to the elections in Pakistan showcased the FCDO’s newfound diplomatic finesse and maturity in navigating delicate foreign political situations. Lord Cameron chastised the regime for widespread electoral interference, irregularities, and the imprisonment of Imran Khan without burning bilateral relations. It stood out as the most principled message from any Western nation.
Andrew Mitchell also attracts significant praise abroad for his work on his Development brief. The UK has taken the lead in seeking political and humanitarian solutions in Sudan. It has also now pledged £89 million to help the country through the humanitarian crisis sparked by this year-long war.
Again, it should be taken as a sign of the great potential of British statecraft, starting as we are from a position of great soft power, that the world is watching what we do, and that our successes are noted. As I travel the globe, from Washington D.C. to Ottawa, from Brussels to Kuala Lumpur, I am still struck by the cut-through. The world wants stronger British diplomacy.
The in-tray for 2025 will include the Middle East, Ukraine, Sudan, Tigray, Haiti, Western Balkans, and the enormous movements of migrants and populations. The UK needs mature and grown-up thinking in the foreign policy space. Cameron brings this – perhaps the last of his political generation to do so.
Sunak’s initiative in bringing together Cameron and Mitchell underscores the government’s commitment to restoring the prestige of the FCDO. The pair worked together for eight years during Cameron’s premiership, with Mitchell highlighting how they “know each other’s views very well”.
Back in November, Cameron said he would put “development right back at the heart of the Foreign Office”. Far from good luck, Sunak knew that with Lord Cameron in King Charles Street, he would be able to focus on his domestic agenda. It is imperative that future UK governments invest heavily in the work being done by Cameron and Mitchell, and that this approach to foreign policy and development does not get lost in the likely transition to a Labour government.
