The agenda stretched from eleven o’clock to half past three, with a series of panels and speeches, a long lunch break, and a guest speaker slot featuring Jim Gamble.
Earlier in the day, the UUP’s new MLA Diana Armstrong stepped up to the stage and spoke about rural communities, trumpeting the achievements of individuals like Harry Ferguson and Tommy Fisher, and trumpeting the success of businesses like Ready Egg Products and Moy Park. Armstrong said that her party has “the countryside in its DNA”.
The party’s most recent MP, Robin Swann, was very warmly welcomed up to the stage. He emphasised that the seat belonged to the voters, and committed to work for them. Referring to his former and new constituency, Swann joked that he was “one of the few politicians to be elected in the north and the south”.
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ANALYSIS The UUP should look back on today’s conference with disappointment. Not disheartened because their new leader wasn’t present. Mike Nesbitt isn’t the first leader to encounter Covid and not be able to appear. But dissatisfied that the party’s ambition wasn’t matched by the enthusiasm of its membership.
For a party, some of whose members engineered the mood and circumstances that led to Doug Beattie’s resignation, why did so few turn out to cheer on his successor? Just 160 people were seated in the Crowne Plaza ballroom for the leader’s speech. Doug Beattie was among those who stayed away.
The front half of the room during the morning sessions was dominated by older members. A gaggle of young unionists was in attendance. But where were the middle-aged folk? Talk from the front about diversity seemed to accentuate division rather than demonstrate a practical inclusion.
Members are perhaps out of practice attending party conferences. This was the UUP’s first since 2021. Covid has damaged attendance at big events like these. And the lack of an upcoming election does hamper any sense of urgency. But the lack of engagement points to a need to rebuild energetic constituencies teams across NI.
The unruly agenda could have been a tightly managed two-hour event that underlined some key distinctive policies and cemented Mike Nesbitt’s stamp on the party’s direction. Instead, time keeping was sloppy, and the start of the remote leader’s speech was delayed.
The party should perhaps watch back the closing minutes of Jim Gamble’s (overrunning) speech and not just heed his call for the UUP (and all parties) to “practice to what you preach”, but also realise that “standing still is falling behind”. The new leader may have ideas and a vision, but does the membership, never mind the electorate, have the appetite to put their shoulders to the wheel and champion it on doorsteps.
Today’s conference shouldn’t offer the party much hope.
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His opening proposition was that the UUP should work to “nail down our place in the United Kingdom”.
Nesbitt said that that he wanted “to campaign on a single word […] hope. The hope we had in 1998 with the Agreement.”
He paid tribute to the party’s new members of the House of Lords and the House of Commons. On Doug Beattie, he said:
“I am not going to dwell on the whys and wherefores of what happened. What I do say, publicly, is this: thank you, Doug. When I first took the leadership in 2012, I remember sitting at my desk with a blank page and writing down the names of people I wanted to attract into the Party – and invite to stand for elected office. The first name on that sheet was Douglas Ricardo Beattie. It took a couple of years, but eventually he joined us. Since then, I have taken great pleasure in supporting Doug – as a councillor, MLA, justice spokesperson and party leader. Thank you, Doug. I hope we can continue to support each other and enjoy each other’s company.”
On legacy:
“In recent days, the new Labour Government announced a decision that again demonstrates how uneven is the approach to truth and justice. I sincerely hope the Finucane family find out what they need to know about the dreadful murder of Pat Finucane – just as I hope every victim and survivor gets truth and acknowledgement – even if truth and justice are beyond them. But the decision once again perpetuates the idea of a hierarchy of victims. As a former Victims Commissioner, I have often challenged MPs and indeed Cabinet Ministers in these terms. Would you look two of your own constituents in the eye and tell one they could have a public inquiry into their loved one’s death, but deny it to the other? It is not fair. It is not equitable. It’s not right.
“I do not wish to dwell on the past today, but I do need to say this. No one needed to die to get us where we are today. No one. The late Martin McGuinness used to justify himself by telling me I didn’t grow up in Derry – his word for his city – the way he did. That’s true, but John Hume did far more to unite people – and much less to divide us.”
On wider unionism:
“First of all, unionist unity already exists. Every unionist party, every elected unionist representative and every unionist voter is already united in wishing Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Where we differ, is with our Vision and our Strategy to secure that outcome. Vision is an interesting concept. David Trimble famously was said to dismiss it. Accepting his Nobel Peace Prize in 1998, he said ‘Some critics complain that I lack “the vision thing”. But vision in its pure meaning is clear sight. That does not mean I have no dreams. I do.’
“And I need to say this about the Ulster Unionist Party and what informs our vision. People call us moderate. People call us liberal. People call us Progressive. What I call us is the Party of Common Sense. So, where Common Sense dictates a course of action, I’ll support it, because it will strengthen our position in the United Kingdom – and for the avoidance of doubt, that includes sensible, practical cooperation with the Republic of Ireland.”
He quoted Senator George Mitchell’s warning about “100 percenters” at last year’s events marking the 25th anniversary of the 1998 Agreement.
“Think about that. If you are a 100 percenter, your views must be fixed, lodged in ideological cement. Inflexible. You probably confuse compromise with appeasement. Appeasement is when two parties take opposite views and you solve the situation by sacrificing your beliefs and move entirely to your opponent’s ground. That’s not for me. Compromise, however, is where both sides move – move closer to each other, without injury to their core beliefs …”
“While my vision of the Ulster Unionist Party is of a relaxed, confident and inclusive unionism – a party that will demonstrate generosity, when possible – we must also show an unbending resolve when required. That’s when I’ll be a 100 percenter. But a 100 percent persuader. The days when Unionism could reply on its traditional voter base for success are long gone – and not coming back. So, we need to do more than wrap ourselves in the Union Flag and sing God Save the King. If you want to know our constitutional preference, the clue is in the Party title. We are the Ulster UNIONIST Party.
“Visit any school, or university or community group – and your elected representatives do this daily – and the questions people want to ask are not about sovereignty. They want to know about mental health and wellbeing, about the environment and climate change, about what we are doing to give them a reason NOT to go live somewhere else because there are no opportunities for them here. So, we need to be more than a party dedicated to Northern Ireland remaining part of the United Kingdom.”
Nesbitt spoke about his work as Health Minister, explaining that “Professor Rafael Bengoa is coming back next month, not to write another analysis [but] rather to reboot Systems not Structures, the report he delivered in 2016.”
“What I want to see is three recalibrations – from hospital care to care in the community. From an Analogue to a digital service. And a focus on keeping people healthy rather than just curing the sick. I also wish to put a focus on Waiting Lists, Cancer, Mental Health and tackling health inequalities. Those inequalities are so stark that two women, born the same day, in the same maternity unit, growing up in the same city, might see one live over 14 years of healthy life longer than the other. That is the measure of inequality of outcomes in this First World Country, a quarter of the way into the 21st Century.”
He stressed the need for cross-departmental working to tackle “that obscenity” and to “shift the dial on health inequalities”.
“Patients, service users and HSC staff were dealt a raw hand in this year’s budget – all the more surprising and shameful given the prior promises of prioritisation. It was only this Party – our Party – that stood up for the sick, the vulnerable and the magnificent staff who deliver healthcare. I make you one promise. No matter how difficult or challenging things get. No matter how isolated I might make myself, I shall not budge. I shall do what’s right for our health and social care service.”
Nesbitt addressed the consultation on a new Public Health Bill.
“[It] is just that – a consultation that is proposing to bring Northern Ireland much more into line with the rest of the United Kingdom. We can, of course, do nothing and stick with the 1967 legislation. That offers some cover regarding named infectious diseases. But if the next threat is biological, chemical, radiological, then we will have to make it up as we go along, just like Covid. Is that the best responsible government we can manage? I don’t think so, when we have time and space to consider how we might join neighbouring jurisdictions in offering our citizens protection on an All Hazards basis.
“There is misunderstanding about the consultation. I fear there is also deliberate misinformation. Some think it becomes law the day the consultation closes. But of course any Bill will be shaped by the consultation responses and then face the full force of Assembly scrutiny and potential amendment and approval.
“Then there’s the question of why I would put in proposals I do not agree with. To my mind, that would be to deny the public the opportunity to define where they want to draw the line between protecting the population’s health and defending civil liberties and human rights. The consultation remains open. I encourage everyone to make their views known, respectfully.”
He also repeated his “utter repulsion and condemnation of the racist attacks on international colleagues working in Health and Social Care. Without them, our Healthcare system as we know it would collapse. And I say this to those responsible for the attacks. If you need healthcare, and it is delivered by the nurses you attacked, they will treat you with professionalism, compassion and commitment, even if they know it was you that attacked them. And I ask you, Conference, who should we value higher as fellow citizens?”
On the NI Protocol and Windsor Framework …
“[It] is an international agreement. Maros Sefcovic, Michel Barnier, Simon Coveney and many others have all made that point. But does the Framework respect a fundamental tenet of international law? Does it demonstrate respect for the territorial integrity of the state. The meaning of the word ‘integrity’ is clear: whole and undivided. It’s that simple.
“All we want is the provision of the same rights, the same stability and the same principles as applied throughout Europe. Look at the Ukraine, look at the Middle East, look around the world, if you are in any doubt about the importance people place on territorial integrity – and the lengths people go to in order to protect it, or demand it.
“Our vision is clear and our message is positive. We say yes to the same rights, same stability and same principles for governance – including accommodation of minorities – that operate elsewhere in the democratic world.”
Nesbitt finished by outlining a reshuffle of Assembly spokespersons and Committee members. Having named MLA, he turned to other elected reps.
“I also pay tribute to our Councillors. I won’t go through them name by name, because I know some of you want to get to church tomorrow. I joke. We do not have enough Councillors – or MLAs – or MPs. And that’s one of my challenges.
“I have never forgotten my days as a binman in Newtownards, the town where I now have my constituency office. Over three student summers, I was taught the expression ‘Self Praise, No Recommendation’, so with that in mind, I hesitate to remind you of the 2014 Local Government Elections, when we returned 88 Councillors, and the two MPs we won in 2015.
“So, I believe Electoral success is possible. I believe Political success is an imperative for the future of Northern Ireland. And I believe the challenges that go with all that are to be cherished, embraced and overcome. That is my mission in my time as your Leader.”
Nesbitt spoke cryptically of his favoured successor (answers on a postcard or a comment below!):
“Finally, I should mention succession planning, because some journalists thought my first remarks on that suggested I am intending to be in post for a very short time. Let me put it this way. When I first drove up Prince of Wales Avenue, the big highway to Parliament Buildings after being elected in 2011, there was someone in the passenger seat of my car. That person was – and remains – my preference as my successor as MLA for Strangford. He’s been waiting 13 years. He’s going to have to wait a while yet. That’s my version of succession planning.”
Alan Meban. Tweets as @alaninbelfast. Blogs about cinema and theatre over at Alan in Belfast. A freelancer who writes about, reports from, live-tweets and live-streams civic, academic and political events and conferences. He delivers social media training/coaching; produces podcasts and radio programmes; is a FactCheckNI director; a member of Ofcom’s Advisory Committee for Northern Ireland; and a member of the Corrymeela Community.
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