The most powerful part of Keir Starmer’s speech at conference was the refrain that “‘taking back control’ is a Labour argument”. He is right. Vote Leave’s winning slogan is fundamentally a message of the centre-left, proclaiming the role of an active state with individual autonomy.
Control is the empowerment of communities and citizens to ensure freedom from the crueller whims of capitalist markets and support to overcome, and thrive from, globalisation.
To ensure this message is heard and given effect, the government will have to be radical. Tempering at the edges will fail and the rhythm of more effective administration, whilst very welcome after recent years of chaos, will not be sufficient.
Only a transformation of our state and economic strategy will do. This must be the central theme of the ‘decade of renewal’. This government has already begun this journey, but there is much more to be done.
Empowering communities
Giving power back to communities is a start. Legislation is already passing through Parliament about further devolution to regional and metro mayors. This is welcome – though many Mayors require greater capacity and weight to take advantage – but political reform is not what voters thought they were buying when they voted to take back control in 2016 or voted for change in 2024. Shifting certain powers from one layer of government to another will not suffice. Deeper and more widespread reform is required.
At the heart of an agenda around ‘control’ is an honest reckoning about the rights and responsibilities of increasing empowerment.
If we want reformed public services, like a more preventative NHS that puts the patient first, we need to be willing to share more of our personal data. If we want controlled borders in an era of mass migration, we need to have more safe routes and recognise a deal will have to be struck on numbers on an ongoing basis. If we want tougher sentences for certain offenders, we will need to be more liberal on shorter sentencing.
If we want an economy that tackles regional inequality and invests in our post-industrial towns, we will need a competitive and modern economy.
READ MORE: Labour’s first Budget 2024: What policies could Rachel Reeves announce?
A central cog requires the government to put citizen’s choice at the heart of public service reforms. Developing and implementing a universal and rigorous system of digital ID would be a welcome start. This has the potential to empower the user in our public services, allow our NHS and education system to offer more tailored, expeditious and seamless support, and improve the ability of our police and border control force to act decisively.
It will also enable the state to harness the immense potential of the AI revolution. Ultimately, if we want better public services without piling more debt onto the state, we have to embrace the role that technology should play.
Any conversation around ‘control’ also requires consideration about immigration. People understandably want our borders to be controlled – a basic requirement of any developed country is that we know, and have some say as to, who comes to our country and for how long. Labour was right to promise a reduction in legal migration at the last General Election and to set out a plan to counter illegal migration. Failure to Deliver on our promise to control our borders will be catastrophic for Labour at the next election and in the longer term.
Facing the facts
As the Prime Minister will no doubt have observed during his visit to Italy, to properly grasp the mantle on immigration requires measures that will be uncomfortable for some within our Party.
Third-country processing will have to be adopted. Greater, and more aggressive, up-stream measures to stem the flow from criminal gangs will help. But ultimately, an answer to what we do with those people who arrive here illegally, and have failed claims, and cannot be deported to their country of origin will need to be developed – and this will require returning to first principles. A solution as to deportations will have to be done substantially at an international level, with agreement across Europe.
The other side of the coin is offering properly established safe routes for those to apply for asylum and an immigration system which prioritises our labour market needs, as part of a longer term strategy for our economy.
The political communication about the rights, responsibilities and reality of the nation’s immigration policy should be stark and unashamed. Whilst it is not true our political class do not talk about immigration (it has dominated our political conversation for the last twenty years), too often the public have not been told the truth. Pulling up the draw-bridge is not an option, nor is it optimal (indeed we need strategies to attract high-skilled immigrants). Our economy, and public services, requires immigration. But equally, we will be unable to have managed immigration without rethinking our approach to those who arrive here illegally.
Meanwhile, the most disgraceful Tory legacy, in a competitive field, has been law and order, and prisons. Rishi Sunak point-blankly refused to take action as our prisons overflowed and criminals were let off the hook to avoid political humiliation.
It was the ultimate ‘passing of the buck’. Trust in our law and order services is at an all-time low. The government’s review of sentencing is welcome, as the devil is always in the detail, though the broad brush of the recommendations are already in truth established. Shorter sentences should be almost entirely eradicated – as they cost the tax-payer billions, lead to greater prospects of reoffending and cause wider hardship – and community rehabilitation and punishment need to be enacted. Reform of how we treat women prisoners is required, and Shabana Mahmood’s ambition to close women prisons is welcome.
IPP sentences should be wholly scrapped. But for serious, violent offences, and repeat-offenders, sentences should be tougher and more draconian.
Managing the economy
On the economy, Rachel Reeves clearly understands the emphasis on inclusive growth – benefitting all regions, and tackling regional and class inequality. It is the common thread of all her speeches and interventions. It is on economic policy that the government’s agenda is most clear. With an underpinning of stability, investment in the nation’s infrastructure and public services will be set out at the budget and the coming years.
This must be broad-based, with a focus on improving living standards and connectivity (access and technological) for towns isolated from our thriving cities.
Growth is the name of the game. But long-term sustainable growth will not simply come as a result of building lots of new homes, however admirable that goal, and infrastructure projects. The Treasury will need to consider radical and perhaps controversial policies – to go and encourage high-skilled immigration, a tax regime that incentivises risk taking, steps to attract tech investment and offer the support for our world-class universities to grow and thrive.
The dangers of not delivering are all too clear. Outdated, mushy social democratism that fails to grapple meaningfully with the priorities of voters with modern means leads to electoral defeat and irrelevance. Lessons from France, and the premiership of Francois Hollande, and current problems in Germany for Scholz are warning sirens.
Labour in the UK is different. The government’s overarching missions combined with a laser-like focus on delivery means we can, and will, deliver. But the stakes are high. Voters have been calling for more control for a decade now and if Labour fails to deliver for them with a mighty majority now then we will be, rightly, punished
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