Putting workers and people first, By Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf

The labour leaders should return to the glorious traditions of Comrades Wahab Goodluck, Hassan Sunmonu and Ali Chiroma, in which productive political education was regularly conducted, and union activities were funded mostly through workers’ union dues, not “donor” funds. When strategic alliances were built with other working peoples and students. When critical leaflets, pamphlets and posters on workers’ rights, democracy and development, were produced and nationally distributed.

Nigerian workers marked the 2024 International Workers’ Day with lectures, speeches, songs, marches and fanfare. It was a Day richly earned. Missing, however, in the Workers’ Day celebration was the neglect of the history of workers in the making, democratisation and development of Nigeria.

Such remembrance is important because, “while the living close the eyes of the dead, the dead open the eyes of the living.” This is why I am telling the story of the 1945 General Strike and the challenges of today.

The Strike began on 22 June. The first of its kind, it was led by Labour Leader No. 1, Michael Athokhamien Omnibus Imoudu. Its principal cause was the refusal of the colonial government to increase the wages of African workers in accordance with the Cost Of Living Allowance (COLA). The soil for the strike was fertilised by the government, which increased the salary package of the European staff, while refusing to do same for African workers, predicating this on the grounds of inflation. The unions issued an ultimatum for the strike, mobilised workers and sought public support. The civil society and nationalist politicians also ventilated the workers’ grievances, criticised colonial racism and encouraged the workers to strike. The bell for the strike was struck when Imoudu declared: “Negotiation has failed. We are going on strike.” The workers’ complied with the strike order.

This first General Strike in Nigeria, involved about 200,000 workers, and lasted for 44 days in Lagos, at least 53 days in the Northern and Southern Provinces, and 74 days in the “British” Cameroons province. The workers’ determination and sacrifices were responsible for the long duration of the strike. They refused to succumb to threats, blackmail, intimidation and harassment from the colonial establishments and traditional rulers. They chased, stoned and beat strike breakers amongst their ranks. They countered government’s anti-strike measures. This included derailing trains meant to break the strike. They swore on oath not to betray each other and not to resume work unless the strike was called off. The public helped to sustain the strike. Landlords suspended the demands for rent. Market women and men sold essential commodities to workers at normal prices. Students and youths organised drama to educate the public on the causes, necessity and significance of the strike. The nationalist politicians publicised the strike in their media, while the Africans in the Atlantic and the socialist and communist movements internationalised the strike.

The strike taught that unity and struggle are the hallmarks of labour unionism and that government will not, willingly, grant concession to workers. It equally showed that workers and the other working people see themselves as organically related and dialectically connected.

The conditions and forces that triggered the 1945 General Strike are still prevalent. If anything, they might have grown horns. British colonialism was “terminated” almost 64 years ago. But it has been replaced by more insidious, divisive, dangerous and destructive forces like the International Monetary fund (IMF), World Bank (WB), World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the European Union (EU).

So, a general strike is not something to be toyed with, or to be declared and suspended at the whims and caprices of leaders. Rather, it displays workers’ power, asserts the authority of unions, and is a weapon that defends, promotes and secures workers’ concessions from government and employers.

The conditions and forces that triggered the 1945 General Strike are still prevalent. If anything, they might have grown horns. British colonialism was “terminated” almost 64 years ago. But it has been replaced by more insidious, divisive, dangerous and destructive forces like the International Monetary fund (IMF), World Bank (WB), World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the European Union (EU). Like “the pagan god (which) would not drink the nectar but from the skulls of its slain victims”, they have recruited their servants and worshippers amongst some Nigerian politicians, scholars, professionals, business people, bureaucrats and even labour leaders.

Together, they have successfully rolled back the state in the practice of development, through means like privatisation, de-industrialisation, retrenchment, naira devaluation, wage and salary freeze, non-payment of salaries and, increases in taxes, tariffs and levies. Other measures include the withdrawal of subsidies on basic needs such as education, health, electricity, petroleum products, and fertilisers. They have equally subverted and destroyed public educational, health and judicial institutions. Also, they have glorified the looting of our commonwealth and destruction of our environment. The results have been the generalised crises in which the working people are increasingly terrorised by hunger, misery, poverty, diseases, illiteracy, criminalities, lawlessness, insecurity, and hopelessness. It has never been so horrible for the working people, especially since 2015. Neoliberalism, therefore, is not only government-organised, legalised and protected robbery, it is also antithetical to democracy, development and humanity.

Edo people say, “Wherever the White man (imperialists) steps his feet, disasters and destructions follow.” Which was why Frantz Fanon admonished Africans to, “Leave Europe where they are, never done talking of Man, yet murder men everywhere they find them, at the corner of every one of their own streets, in every corner of the globe.”

Nigerian rulers must discard neoliberalism, rebuild the fractured state, secure society and return to state-driven peoples’ development. However, should government persist in following the European path with all its degeneracy, then they should, as Fanon rightly and sincerely advised, “leave the destiny of our countries to Europeans (as) they will know how to do it better than the most gifted among us.”

These unionists have accepted neoliberalism, relegated workers to singing “solidarity for ever” songs and, therefore, abandoned labour’s traditions of struggle and culture of resistance. By their noiseless noises, march-less marches, and strike-less strikes, they have become the major force paralysing, patronising, pacifying and demobilising workers.

But the Labour Movement has, since 1988, tolerated and encouraged this crises. Many of its leaders have stultified the union’s democratic heritage, discarded workers’ critical allies, aligned with oppressive governments, the exploitative arms of the private sector and politicians.

These unionists have accepted neoliberalism, relegated workers to singing “solidarity for ever” songs and, therefore, abandoned labour’s traditions of struggle and culture of resistance. By their noiseless noises, march-less marches, and strike-less strikes, they have become the major force paralysing, patronising, pacifying and demobilising workers. They go into endless negotiations with government frowning, and come out smiling, with promises of salary awards and increases that hardly materialise. Or, when they materialise, these do not march the galloping inflation.

The labour leaders should return to the glorious traditions of Comrades Wahab Goodluck, Hassan Sunmonu and Ali Chiroma, in which productive political education was regularly conducted, and union activities were funded mostly through workers’ union dues, not “donor” funds. When strategic alliances were built with other working peoples and students. When critical leaflets, pamphlets and posters on workers’ rights, democracy and development, were produced and nationally distributed. They should return to holding monthly workers mass meetings, and with the decisions reached, used to formulate labour programmes.

They should put into concrete practice workers’ slogans, “An injury to one is an injury to all” and “Everything for the struggle, victory for all.” They should reflect and act on the Fulfulde song, “Commoners exist where there is king, but a kingdom cannot exist where there are no commoners;/Grass exists where there is nothing that eats grass, but what eats grass cannot exist where no grass is;/Water exist where there is nothing that drinks water, but what drinks water cannot exist where no water is.” They should, therefore, put workers, not government, employers or politicians, first.

Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf worked as deputy director, Cabinet Affairs Office, The Presidency, and retired as General Manager (Admininstration), Nigerian Meteorological Agency, (NiMet). Email: aaramatuyusuf@yahoo.com