The prevailing sentiment among most Britons towards Labour’s proposed initiative to extend voting rights to 16-year-olds is scepticism. However, the precedents set by nations such as Scotland, Brazil, and Austria, where the voting age has been lowered to 16, challenge these apprehensions. Contrary to popular belief, implementing such a policy could cultivate a more politically active and engaged citizenry in their later years.
During his election campaign, Labour leader Keir Starmer endorsed reducing the legal voting age from 18 to 16, indicating a potential inclusion of this policy in the party’s manifesto. The Labour party has deliberated the matter for more than a year, considering its implementation in Scotland and Wales for local and devolved parliamentary elections. In his statement, Starmer advocated for extending voting rights to individuals capable of working and contributing to taxes.
Nonetheless, recent polling data suggests a prevailing sentiment of opposition among the populace, characterising the proposition as rooted in self-interest rather than a genuine pursuit of national benefit. This reflects a popular perception that the younger demographic tends to align more closely with the Labour Party, and that the party’s endeavor to lower the voting age is thus a strategic manoeuvre aimed at augmenting Labour’s position in forthcoming elections. This strategic approach is reminiscent of the Blair administration’s initiatives to expand access to higher education, which ultimately facilitated the emergence of a cohort of graduates sympathetic to the Labour cause.
In January 2024, the Conservative party faced allegations of gerrymandering following the government’s decision to eliminate the 15-year overseas residency requirement for British expatriates to vote in UK elections. This adjustment is estimated to impact as many as 3 million potential voters, doubling the projected number of voters aged 16-18, and is expected to predominantly favour older, retired expatriates (who typically align with the Conservative Party) residing abroad. Labour criticised the move, alleging that it facilitates easier contributions from “wealthy donors who have not lived in the UK for decades.” However, despite Labour’s strategic motives for advocating the reduction of the voting age, the arguments supporting this policy consistently outweigh those against it.
Youth Suffrage: Fostering Political Engagement
In 2018, the formation of the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Votes at 16 marked a significant development in fostering political engagement, followed by a report released in the ensuing year. This report, comprising inputs from a spectrum of stakeholders including MPs, research entities, and academics, underscored a shared perspective among contributors. Namely, it challenged prevailing arguments against reducing the voting age, which often hinge on misconceptions.
One such misconception is that young voters lack the requisite political acumen or maturity to form informed opinions. The report countered this view by highlighting the arbitrary nature of the 18-year-old threshold for adulthood. It pointed out that young people assume various responsibilities and enjoy corresponding rights typically associated with adulthood at younger ages, such as leaving formal education, entering into consensual relationships, or enlisting in the armed forces. Furthermore, the report debunked the assumption that young people exhibit apathy toward political matters, presenting evidence to the contrary.
Instances abound of young individuals demonstrating profound engagement with the political frameworks governing their lives. For instance, during the 2014 Scottish independence plebiscite, turnout among 16- and 17-year-olds surged to 75%, a remarkable 21 percentage points higher than the 18-24 age bracket. Moreover, an overwhelming 97% of these newly enfranchised voters expressed their intent to remain politically active in the future. The perceived injustice of their exclusion from the EU referendum is felt among the youth. This discrepancy underscores a broader issue: while Scotland and Wales have embraced the inclusion of 16- to 18-year-old voters, England and Northern Ireland have not, engendering a disparity in democratic rights and opportunities across the UK, which, in turn, exacerbates political inequality.
An additional point of contention regarding reducing the voting age revolves around the notion that young people possess distinct preferences that diverge from the broader population. However, empirical evidence casts doubt on this assumption. For instance, in the case of the Scottish referendum, it was anticipated that young voters would overwhelmingly support independence. Yet, surprisingly, over 54% of individuals aged 16-29 voted against it, aligning more closely with the preferences of the elderly than the middle-aged demographic. Similarly, during the 2022 Brazilian presidential election, the preferences of voters aged 16-24 closely mirrored those of older age cohorts. In Austria, where individuals aged 16 and above are eligible to vote in all national elections, the political inclinations of young voters do not significantly differ from those of the broader population, with youth turnout notably robust.
The primary argument advocating for the lowering of the voting age should not focus on the conjectured preferences or behaviors of young individuals, neither of which should serve as criteria for determining voting rights. Instead, it revolves around the significance of one’s formative years in shaping democratic principles and behaviours. During the pivotal period between the ages of 16 and 18, individuals undergo substantial developmental transitions from late adolescence to early adulthood. Facilitating citizens’ engagement with political concepts and democratic processes during this critical juncture, when they are most preoccupied with establishing their roles within society and the global community, should be considered essential for any democratic nation.
Restricting voting rights to individuals aged 18 and above may hinder efforts to optimize political participation in citizens’ inaugural vote. Attaining the vote at 18 typically means that one’s first general election occurs between 18 and 23, whereas with voting eligibility at 16, it falls between ages 16 and 21. During this latter age range, young individuals are more inclined to reside with their parents and pursue education, both of which environments can encourage participation in the first elections. This is because they offer guidance on the political system, local candidates, and the voting process, aspects with which individuals who have never voted are inherently less acquainted.
Conversely, individuals aged 18 to 23 are often independent from their parental households and potentially from their hometowns, resulting in unfamiliarity with local concerns, candidates, or the intricacies of voter registration procedures. Reducing the voting age would thus grant young individuals the opportunity to engage in their inaugural vote at a juncture when they are more likely to access heightened momentum and assistance.
Conclusion
Given the substantial evidence supporting the reduction of the voting age and its beneficial impacts observed in countries like Brazil and Austria, it is somewhat unexpected that the British public remains largely resistant to this idea. Should the Labour Party proceed with its proposals to expand the franchise, Britons could engage with the diverse arguments surrounding this issue. The majority of these arguments advocate for adopting the measure, highlighting its advantages in fostering political participation. Engaging in this discourse may ultimately persuade individuals of the inherent merits of this policy change, potentially leading to its wider acceptance in the UK.
