O, wad some Power the giftie gie us: The clear need for reform of Northern Ireland’s school transfer process…

The education system in Northern Ireland (NI), despite its reputation for academic excellence, faces significant challenges, particularly an urgent need to reform the school transfer process for 11-year-olds. This post will draw on local initiatives, international benchmarks, and human rights frameworks to explore persistent educational underachievement linked to socio-economic background, the impact of early academic selection, and low student life satisfaction on life chances. The focus will be on socio-economic divisions rather than religious segregation, hopefully contributing positively to the dialogue around creating an education system that is both excellent and equitable.

Historic Background

The 11+ exam was introduced in the 1940s, based on the work of Sir Cyril Burt, an eminent British educational psychologist. Burt promoted the theory that intelligence was largely inherited, fixed, and could be accurately measured, allowing children to be effectively sorted into different educational paths at a young age based on their innate abilities. However, shortly after he died in the early 1970s, it was discovered that Burt had fabricated some of his core data on monozygotic twins reared apart to support his hypothesis that a correlation existed between intelligence, which he believed was hereditary, and socio-economic status.

Despite the discrediting of the evidence underpinning the 11+ test, a correlation still exists between success in school transfer tests and socio-economic status, as indicated by free school meal entitlement (FSME), a proxy measure of socio-economic deprivation. This correlation is also evident in the relationship between pupils’ attainment of 5 or more GCSEs at grades A*-C, used as an indicator of academic achievement.

Northern Irish Context

In NI, the debate about academic selection is further complicated by religious and gender factors. In 1987, a Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights (SACHR) report on equality of opportunity found that Catholics were twice as likely to be unemployed as Protestants. This prompted an analysis of school leavers in 1988/89, which found that, despite some improvements, 19% of pupils, predominantly Catholic boys from non-grammar schools, left with no or low qualifications. This compared to 7.9% in England. Gender disparities were also evident, with boys, particularly from disadvantaged backgrounds, consistently underperforming in academic achievement compared to girls.

Policy Responses

The Education Reform (Northern Ireland) Order 1989 was introduced to address educational inequities through fundamental changes to NI’s education system. The Central Community Relations Unit (CCRU), established in 1987, was tasked with monitoring progress and reporting directly to the NI Secretary of State (NI SoS) on all aspects of relations between NIs two main traditions, including education.

A confidential memo from the CCRU dated 27 February 1990 described itself as “a progress report on the preparation of a programme of affirmative action to reduce community differentials.” The memo highlighted ongoing concerns in key areas such as housing and employment, and the links between the socio-economic needs of pupils and their educational performance. It noted that 35% of Catholic boys left non-grammar schools with no formal qualifications, compared to 25% of Protestant boys. The memo also predicted that due to a provision of the 1989 Order, which introduced open enrolment obliging schools to fill every available place, within five years, 43% of Protestant and 36% of Catholic pupils would attend grammar schools.

Current Situation

As predicted, grammar school places have indeed increased dramatically. In the 1960s, grammar schools selected about 25% of the school population; today, that figure is 43% and rising. In 2022/23, 77.7% of Year 12 FSME pupils were at non-grammar schools, while 22.3% were at grammar schools, indicating a persistent socio-economic divide.

In 2012/13, the first year that the Department of Education (DE) collected summary data relating specifically to Year 12 FSME pupils, 83% were at non-grammar schools, of which only 34.9% achieved 5 or more GCSEs grades A*-C. In contrast, 17% were at grammar schools, of which 85% achieved this benchmark, resulting in a gap of 61.2%. By 2022/23, this achievement gap had been reduced to 36.8%, showing significant progress but also highlighting persistent disparities.

Expansion of Grammar Schools

School enrolment numbers fluctuate due to factors that include housing development and birth rates, but recent trends have become evident. According to data from the NI Statistics and Research Agency (NI SRA), the Education Authority (EA) estimates that the number of post-primary age children in the Belfast Council area will peak in 2024 and then gradually decline. Despite this demographic shift, school numbers are expected to rise in some areas. Notably, there is a trend towards expanding selective schools more rapidly than non-selective ones.

In the Belfast region east of the river Lagan, there are 13 post-primary schools: seven selective schools with a total enrolment of 6,325 in 2023, and six non-selective schools with a total enrolment of 5,230. The EA has approved a phased increase of 479 places in selective schools, compared to only 230 in non-selective schools.

The decline of non-selective schools in this area is not new. Several have closed or amalgamated due to falling enrolment over the years. Lisnasharragh High School closed in 2008, followed by Orangefield High School (an amalgamation of Orangefield Girls’ School and Orangefield Boys’ School) in 2014. In 2015, Knockbreda High School and Newtownbreda High School amalgamated to form Breda Academy. This snapshot reflects a broader trend.

Current Policy Landscape

The long-awaited Draft Programme for Government 2024-2027 (DPoG) has minimal focus on education, aside from a long-overdue emphasis on Special Educational Needs (SEN). However, many of the principles discussed for SEN provision can be applied to education in general. These principles include: ‘a sense of community inclusion’; ‘child-centred, effective, evidence-based’; ‘early intervention’; and ‘access to learning environments that are inclusive, safe, and supportive of pupils from diverse backgrounds, abilities, and cultures.’ If these laudable principles are applied comprehensively across NI’s education system, they could foster a more inclusive, responsive, and effective learning environment for all students, not just those with special needs.

The DPoG references the Department of Education’s (DE) community-led Raising Achievement to Reduce Educational Disadvantage (RAISE) programme. This initiative responds to the ‘A Fair Start’ (AFS) report, commissioned in 2020 by then Minister of Education Peter Weir as part of the ‘New Decade, New Approach’ (NDNA) agreement and saw the establishment of an Expert Panel with specific objectives to:

1. examine the links between persistent educational underachievement and socio-economic background;
2. give particular consideration to the long-standing issues facing working-class, Protestant boys, and specific actions to address this particular gap;
3. produce an interim report;
4. draw up an Action Plan for change that will ensure all children and young people, regardless of background are given the best start in life;
5. estimate the cost of implementing the Action Plan.

These objectives align closely with the principles outlined for SEN provision in the DPoG and the RAISE programme, demonstrating a consistent approach to addressing educational inequalities and creating a more inclusive learning environment for all students in NI. Building on the AFS report’s objectives, the RAISE programme received a £20 million budget from the Shared Island Fund (SIF), an initiative by the Irish government to support the commitments and objectives of the Good Friday Agreement.

Current Minister of Education Paul Givan officially announced the programme in a written ministerial statement on 31 May 2024. In his announcement, Givan referenced the ‘Independent Review of Education in Northern Ireland’ (IRENI), established in 2021 by his predecessor, Michelle McIlveen, also in fulfilment of NDNA commitments. The Terms of Reference for this enquiry’s Expert Panel required them to “agree a vision for what a high-quality, innovative, and inclusive education system would look like in Northern Ireland in the 21st century and how relevant partners might work together to realise that vision – making Northern Ireland a truly excellent system internationally.” Together, these initiatives suggest a comprehensive approach to educational reform, aiming to address inequalities while striving for international excellence.

International Context and Benchmarks

The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) is the widely accepted global measure of educational excellence. Conducted every three years by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), PISA evaluates the knowledge and skills of 15-year-old students in mathematics, reading, and science. Recently, there has been a growing focus on educational equity, examining how students’ socio-economic status (SES) affects their performance. This is reflected in the achievement gap, which measures the score difference between advantaged and disadvantaged students. PISA has also expanded its scope to include students’ overall well-being. The National Association of Head Teachers NI (NAHT NI) highlighted concerns from the latest findings, noting that: “The significantly below average level of life satisfaction reported by children in Northern Ireland is also of real concern […] an issue that must be taken very seriously by government and the wider education system”.

The first PISA results were released in 2000, and the most recent results from 2022 involved 690,000 students from 81 national education systems. Despite criticisms that PISA scores do not fully account for economic, demographic, or cultural factors and the inherent challenges of managing such a large-scale assessment, PISA rankings significantly influence national educational planning and reform. These results are also of interest to foreign investors, who may use them to gauge the future quality of a country’s workforce. For NI, aiming to establish a “truly excellent system internationally,” PISA results will remain crucial in measuring progress and guiding future reforms.

In 2001, Germany experienced a ‘PISA shock’ after its first PISA results revealed that it ranked 21st out of 32 countries in reading literacy, significantly below the OECD average. This was a rude wake-up call for a nation that had long prided itself on its educational achievements. Germany’s response focused on improving educational equity, implementing policies such as all-day schooling and increasing support for immigrant students. These efforts led to a notable improvement, with Germany rising to 20th in reading by the 2018 PISA results. Estonia, which gained independence in 1991 and delays academic selection until age 16, has taken a different approach. Emphasising digital literacy and equity, this nation of 1.4 million transformed its Soviet-era education system and by 2018, consistently ranked as the top European performer in PISA. These diverse strategies and outcomes offer valuable lessons for NI as it considers educational reforms.

Key Issues in Northern Ireland’s Education System

The OECD’s 2024 edition of ‘Education at a Glance’, published on 10 September 2024, emphasizes equity in education. These international benchmarks align with NI’s goal of creating a more inclusive and effective education system. The 2012 OECD review of NI’s education system highlighted significant socio-economic inequalities, concerns later echoed by the AFS and IRENI reports. These reports identified several key issues:

1. Socio-economic disparities:
   • FSME pupils have significantly lower transfer outcomes.
   • FSME pupils are underrepresented in grammar schools.
2. Curriculum distortion:
   • Academic selection skews teaching at Key Stage 2, overemphasising literacy and numeracy.
   • This adversely affects all pupils, including those not preparing for transfer tests.
3. Social divisiveness:
   • The OECD regarded NI’s transfer testing as socially divisive.
   • Some families are better able to support and prepare their children for these tests.

The AFS panel concluded that “this systemic inequality should be a priority going forward” and welcomed the IRENI’s explicit inclusion of transfer arrangements in its review.

Proposed Reforms

The IRENI panel dedicated a substantial section of its report to the issue of school transfer at age 11. They noted that international evidence from the OECD’s PISA “indicates that school systems selecting students at an early age have larger socio-economic inequalities in learning opportunities, yet do not have better overall performance.” Conscious of the controversial nature of academic selection, the panel carefully stated that, in light of all the evidence, “there should be a transition away from the present system of using testing at age 11 as a mechanism for academic selection.” Their favoured solution appears to be a process similar to the ‘Dixon Model’ currently operating in the Craigavon area, which defers selection until age 14. This would potentially mitigate some socio-economic disparities associated with earlier selection and “allow students to transfer to different institutions if they wish”, providing greater flexibility in educational pathways.

The Hansard records of oral evidence presented to members of the NI Assembly provide valuable insights into education policy discussions, complementing official reports. On 4 November 2021, at a presentation to the Public Accounts Committee, Dr Noel Purdy, chair of the AFS panel, strongly recommended Ireland’s Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools (DEIS) programme. He also encouraged consideration of best practices from other UK nations. Notably, these jurisdictions do not practice academic selection, and England and Ireland achieve higher PISA scores than NI.

During a presentation to the Education Committee on 6 October 2021, an AFS panel member responded tellingly to a question on the absence of commentary on academic selection in their report, stating, “There are previous reports about educational underachievement that included the 11-plus or selection, and they are gathering dust as a result.” This likely refers to numerous reports spanning more than two decades, including the 2001 Burns Report, which concluded: “The transfer tests (11+ tests) should end as soon as possible […] we have been left in no doubt that the eleven-plus transfer tests are socially divisive, damage self-esteem, place unreasonable pressures on pupils, primary teachers, and parents, disrupt teaching and learning at an important stage in the primary curriculum and reinforce inequality of opportunity.” Sadly, these words remain as true today as when they were written, almost a quarter of a century ago.

Human Rights Considerations

The most common justification for early academic selection in NI is ‘parental choice’. Article 26(3) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that “parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.” However, this provision, drafted in the aftermath of World War Two and described as “one of the more complex articles in the 1948 Declaration,” must now be interpreted in light of subsequent human rights legislation, particularly the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Ratified by the UK in 1992, the CRC has become the world’s most widely recognised human rights treaty. It is now universally acknowledged that, due to their immaturity and vulnerability, children are a special case, and the violation of their rights can have lifelong, irreversible, and possibly even transgenerational consequences. The CRC recognises children as rights-holders in their own capacity.

Key principles of the CRC relevant to education include:

1. Non-discrimination (Article 2): All rights apply to all children without exception.
2. Best interests of the child (Article 3): The child’s best interests must be a primary consideration in all actions concerning children.
3. Evolving capacity of the child (Article 5): Children should have an increasing say in decisions that affect them, including their education.
4. Right to development (Article 6): Every child has the right to develop to the maximum extent possible.
5. Child participation (Article 12): Children have a right to express their views in matters affecting them.
6. Right to education (Article 28): Every child has the right to education based on equal opportunity.
7. Aims of education (Article 29): Education shall develop the child’s personality, talents, and mental and physical abilities to their fullest potential.

While parental choice remains an important consideration, it is not an absolute right and must always be balanced against the rights and best interests of the child.

More recent UN initiatives continue to emphasize equality of access to education. ‘Agenda 2030’, adopted in 2015 by all 193 Member States, consists of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). SDG 4 is specifically dedicated to education, aiming to “ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all.” The first five of the 10 key targets under SDG 4 are particularly relevant:

1. Universal Primary and Secondary Education: Ensure that all girls and boys complete free, equitable, and quality primary and secondary education.
2. Early Childhood Development and Pre-primary Education: Ensure that all girls and boys have access to quality early childhood development, care, and pre-primary education.
3. Equal Access to Technical/Vocational and Higher Education: Ensure equal access for all women and men to affordable and quality technical, vocational, and tertiary education, including university.
4. Skills for Employment: Increase the number of youth and adults who have relevant skills, including technical and vocational skills, for employment, decent jobs, and entrepreneurship.
5. Eliminate Gender Disparities: Eliminate gender disparities in education and ensure equal access to all levels of education and vocational training for the vulnerable, including persons with disabilities, indigenous peoples, and children in vulnerable situations.

All SDGs are founded on an overarching commitment to “leave no one behind.”

Conclusion

Northern Ireland has emerged as a global leader in Transitional Justice. With honesty and effort, our currently inconsistent education system could also be transformed into a model of equality and excellence. From 1976 to 1979, a Labour government attempted to move NI away from its outdated academic selection system, but these efforts were interrupted by Margaret Thatcher’s election in 1979. Now, with the prospect of four years under a Labour government, a restored Assembly, and no elections until 2027, combined with extensive data from two recent education inquiries, there has never been a better time for educators, parents, students, and policymakers to engage in meaningful discussions and debates. Together, we can create an education system that is excellent for all and, most importantly, leaves no child behind.

David is an ex-Orangefield Boys’ School pupil, a retired teacher, lecturer and academic. He represents Titanic on Belfast City Council for the Alliance Party, is a Governor at two East Belfast Primary Schools, studies Human Rights law at Ulster University and is a member of Humanists UK. He writes in an entirely personal capacity.